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Preface The abortion controversy has become one of the most divisive and irrationally contentious issues of our time, turned into a legal and political power struggle with no permanent resolution in sight. Yet it need not be.
Social, and therefore media, attention has been focused almost exclusively on the differences between pro-life and pro-choice forces, rather than on the common ground they have; and that has been even further compounded by the fact that many actively involved people on both sides have been driven to extreme positions they do not really relish, simply out of fear that not seeking more than is necessary will yield less than is acceptable.
But there is more common ground among opposing sides than is realized. And there would be even more yet if the issue were discussed and portrayed in a rational way that sought mutually agreeable solutions rather than unconditional victories, particularly solutions that are consistent with those principles in many other areas of life that involve relevantly similar moral features good samaritanism, normal privacy freedoms and limitations, definitions and consequences of negligence, responsibility limitations in non-negligent accident, etc.
Almost no pro-choice advocate believes that promiscuity or sexual irresponsibility male or female is a good thing or that either ought to be encouraged.
Almost no pro-choice advocate thinks that teen-age sex or teen-age pregnancy is a good thing. Almost no pro-choice advocate believes that abortion is or ought to be considered a casual event or that it should be undertaken without reverence and respect for the life or potential life that is being ended.
Almost none but the most zealous pro-life advocates think babies should be made to be born if that means they only suffer painfully and prolongedly until they die with nothing to somehow make up for that suffering.
Almost no pro-life advocate can consistently maintain for any length of time their initial view that quantity of life is more important than quality, or, put in another way, that life under all circumstances is better than, and preferable to death under any circumstance. Almost no pro-life advocate argues that it is better to force women to have babies they do not want than to help them want the babies they might have.
This booklet tries, first, to show what the worst and least relevant, least valid, of the abortion arguments from both sides are; second, to show what the real issues are, and how many of them relate to areas of settled law and accepted, or acceptably changing, public moral opinion; and third, it tries to offer some solutions that might be acceptable to, a much greater majority of Americans -- particularly with modifications that others might suggest -- than current law or any of the proposed laws I have seen yet.
Some of the kinds of cases, based on medical science, have since become reality. Some of the cases I discuss are still in the range simply of theoretical possibility.
But, even though many people do not like to consider or to try to come to terms with theoretical or hypothetical situations, I discuss such cases for three reasons: And having an impartial framework now will make it easier to do that 1before decisions will be biased by vested interests and purely emotional, subjective, personal consequences; 2 they help us see aspects of conception, birth, and parental rights and responsibilities that we might otherwise tend not to notice or to take for granted; and 3 hypothetical situations can help us see a larger "picture" -- of how different elements involved in abortion relate to each other and to similar elements in other areas of life.
Further, there is nothing about considering hypotheticals that requires policy to be based on them or wedded to them. A Note About Terminology I have tried to use as value neutral terms as possible in the main section of this booklet in describing arguments and positions for and against abortion.
In cases where I use terms like "embryo", "fetus", "prospective baby", "baby", "prospective person", "individual" to refer to the subject of abortion, or "prospective parents", "parents", "prospective mother", or "mother" when I am referring to the people who conceived that subject, I am not trying to persuade or prejudice by use of language.
My arguments are intended to be spelled out, not hidden behind associated psychological connotations of words. But no one would say a pregnant woman "has a baby" or in general call a man "a father" whose wife is expecting for the first time.
At any rate, nothing should be made of my use of any of these words instead of their counterparts. I think any of them could be interchanged at any point with their psychological counterpart without affecting the validity of my comments.
Where I have erred, it will not be because of connotations. Calling the fetus a baby or the baby a fetus is not meant to imply it is either more or less important or more or less alive or any such thing. Calling it an individual or a person or a prospective individual or prospective person is not meant to imply that it is more or less important depending on what you call it.
Similarly, when I talk about "fetal life" or "death", I do not mean to imply "life" or "death" as in following birth. Nor do I now mean to imply that they are necessarily different.
The use of the terms by themselves is not meant to imply something not stated. I generally use the words "terminating the fetus" instead of "killing" the fetus because I do think "killing" has particular, strong connotations, but I realize "terminating" may be too cold and dispassionate for many.
Again, nothing is meant to be hidden by my choice of words; I am only trying to stay as neutral in use of language as possible. My specific, individual arguments are not neutral and their meanings are not hidden.
The Abortion Debate Purposes of this Paper The purposes of this paper are 1 to show the weaknesses, invalidity, and irrelevancy of those arguments which have such flaws -- on both sides of the abortion issue, and 2 to show what the more important, relevant, and valid issues are in deciding the rightness or wrongness of abortion.
I give my own particular arguments about those issues, but even if I am wrong about my judgments involving them, I believe I am right that those issues are relevant for making correct judgments.
The issue is not who has rights; both sides have some rights, or at least considerations to take into account. The issue is not who has rights, but what is right, and when, and why.Enabling women to control the number and spacing of their children is essential to reducing maternal deaths and human misery.
Over million women, mostly in the least developed countries, want to use modern family planning methods but can't access them, facing cultural barriers or family resistance, or not having access to contraceptives, or .
The birth-control coverage mandate violates the First Amendment’s bar against the “free exercise” of religion. But it also violates the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. That statute, passed unanimously by the House of Representatives and by a vote in the .
The Ethical Debate of Free Contraception and Birth Control Words Apr 15th, 9 Pages If you watch or read the news today, you will find that there are . Jun 26, · Essay, term paper research paper on Genetics.
The question of race has been a long debated topic that still has not been answered. Richard Spencer is a troll and an icon for white supremacists. He was also my high-school classmate. - To Control or to Not Control: The Government and Birth Control Health care and what people are legally allowed to do with their bodies have created controversy galore throughout history.
A particular point of debate is the topic of birth control and the government.