Europe, to Broadly defined, republicanism means a preference for nonmonarchical government and a strong dislike of hereditary monarchy.
His father was a doctor of law. Machiavelli seems to have been carefully educated in humanistic studies, although he never learned Greek. He entered Florentine government service inat the age of 29, as second chancellor and secretary of the Ten of Liberty and Peace, an executive committee concerned with domestic as well as military and foreign affairs.
During his year tenure he was engaged in numerous and sometimes lengthy diplomatic missions which took him to France, Switzerland, and Germany. His dispatches and reports contain ideas that anticipate many of the doctrines of his later works.
Not only was the famous militia ordinance of his, but also the responsibility for implementing it, in the capacity of secretary of the specially constituted Nine of the Militia.
When the Florentine government was threatened in with the restoration of the Medici by Spanish forces, Machiavelli skillfully mobilized an army of twelve thousand conscripts to withstand the invasion; however, the amateur citizen-soldiers proved ineffectual before seasoned troops.
With the restoration of the Medici, Machiavelli was briefly imprisoned and tortured. After 13 years of political inactivity he was recalled to government service by the Medici inbut two years later the Medici were overthrown, and the new republic again excluded Machiavelli from office.
He died inreceiving the last rites of the church. Machiavelli was a good father and an affectionate if unfaithful husband. Scrupulously honest, he was also generous and tolerant and had unusual courage and integrity. He excelled in witty conversation and storytelling.
As much a poet as a man of practical affairs, he was a dedicated republican who desired only to serve Florence rather than any particular party. He was an extraordinary literary artist and has long been recognized for his masterful prose style; as the author of the comedy Mandragola see — he has been acclaimed the equal of Moliere.
Method Machiavelli was neither a system builder nor a philosopher in a technical sense. In no single treatise did he rigorously expound his theory of man and government.
His views are presented in a diffuse and impressionistic fashion, scattered through a number of different works. At the same time, there is system and remarkable consistency to his ideas, even if the coherence is not the most obvious and depends to a degree upon imaginative reconstruction by the sensitive reader.
He examined politics in a detached, rational manner, analyzing the ways power can be acquired and maintained. He showed the kinds of actions that in varying situations will lead to political success or failure. Although he was not concerned with moral and political obligation or with the analysis of moral and political concepts, a conception of a good society does inform most of his political writings.
The sources of his approach are a matter of conjecture. He probably owed less to the traditional philosophers than to nonphilosophical classical writers—in particular, to Livy, Tacitus, Plutarch, Xenophon, Polybius, Vegetius, and Frontinus.
Machiavelli was not alone among his contemporaries in abandoning a moralistic approach to human behavior for a rational and objective one: That Machiavelli lived in a city whose very life was finance and commerce may also help to explain his method, which had some of the characteristics of a business calculation of profit and loss.
Another possible influence was the increasing conceptualization of government policy, since the thirteenth century, in terms of a notion of public utility: Machiavelli was heir to this late medieval tradition. Machiavelli was essentially concerned with ascertaining the conditions of political success, and he sought to do so by determining what kinds of acts have proved beneficial and what kinds detrimental to the political actors who performed them.
In The Prince and the Discourses, written between and see ahe demonstrated the soundness of certain political precepts by using a kind of calculus: He used this method for military precepts, in these works and in The Art of War Again, his penchant for discovering general patterns is evident in his History of Florence, completed in frin which he sought to establish causal relationships in place of mere chronology.
It is a pioneer work in modern western European historical writing. The inspiration for the method may well have been two books with which he was familiar—the Dictorum factorumque memorabilium of Valerius Maximus, a compendium of ancient examples to illustrate human behavior, which was dedicated to the first century emperor Tiberius, and the Strategemata of Frontinus, a catalogue of military stratagems of the latter part of the same century.
Whatever the sources, the method differs markedly from that of classical and medieval political theory. Unlike Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli used the concept of human nature in a descriptive rather than a normative sense.
Given these traits, the outlook for social cooperation may appear dim, but this is not so: Even after an immediate threat to survival has been overcome, social virtues can be maintained by astute leadership and rational social organization.
In other words, Machiavelli differentiated between an original evil and a second socially benevo-lent nature, between natural and socially acquired characteristics.
Man is capable of socialization, and more or less desirable characteristics can be imprinted on his original nature by education, in the sense of conditioning. Civil society is the great school of mankind. Human behavior can be vitally affected by the structure of the social environment, by the socially established ends that canalize human de-sire.
All men are to some extent creatures of convention rather than merely natural men; indeed, neither an absolutely natural nor an absolutely conventional man can exist, any more than either an absolutely evil or an absolutely good man is possible. All men fall somewhere along a scale between these extremes.REPUBLICANISM REPUBLICANISM.
Broadly defined, republicanism means a preference for nonmonarchical government and a strong dislike of hereditary monarchy. Narrowly defined, and in its early modern context, it means self-government by a community of citizens in a city-state.
Monticello’s Machiavelli: Power Lessons From Thomas Jefferson. In Thomas Jefferson: and he had lived with the reality of managing both a war and a fledgling government.
REPUBLICANISM REPUBLICANISM. Broadly defined, republicanism means a preference for nonmonarchical government and a strong dislike of hereditary monarchy. Narrowly defined, and in its early modern context, it means self-government by a community of citizens in a city-state. Monticello’s Machiavelli: Power Lessons From Thomas Jefferson. In Thomas Jefferson: and he had lived with the reality of managing both a war and a fledgling government. A politician’s task was to bring reality and policy into the greatest possible accord with the ideal and the principled. Under Adams as under Jefferson, the government will sink." 'Tis a notable expedient for keeping the Federal party together, to have at the head of it a man, who hates and is despised by those men of it, who, in times past, have been its most efficient supporters. Virginia's votes were temporarily cast into doubt when plans for an.
A politician’s task was to bring reality and policy into the greatest possible accord with the ideal and the principled. Although he occasionally mentioned Niccolò Machiavelli’s classic political works, Jefferson’s politics owed nothing to the Florentine’s most famous theory—achieving worldly success through deceitful scheming.
Nevertheless, Jefferson was well read in all aspects of politics, as evidenced by the numerous titles by Machiavelli in his library. an analysis of the basic beliefs and plans for the perfect government of machiavelli jefferson and l; the benefits of reestablishing free trade between cuba and the united states on the example of compu.
The Prince (Italian: Il Principe [il ˈprintʃipe]) is a 16th-century political treatise by the Italian diplomat and political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli. From correspondence a version appears to have been distributed in , using a Latin title, De Principatibus (Of Principalities).
. Thomas Jefferson defines his interpretation of the rights and freedom of the people within the Declaration of Independence; however, even if a government under those elements and Jefferson’s conception were developed, history would repeat itself, thus making the people live under the principles of Machiavelli/5(1).